The signing of the agreement was widely supported by the majority of Northern Ireland`s political parties, but not by the Ulster Unionist Party and external governments. However, the Northern Ireland trade union movement did not give much support to the agreement, which led a series of protests and public meetings against the agreement, and the majority of public service unions affiliated with the ICTU held a one-day strike on 13 March.  Implementation of the agreement was delayed due to differences of opinion on social reform and controversies over paramilitary activities.  The Justice Management Committee and scientists of the Institute for the Study of Conflict Transformation and the Transitional Justice Institute have developed a model implementation law on the management of previous elements of the agreement.  A group of civil society activists and academics adopted a set of gender principles for managing the legacy of the conflict in order to fill this gap in the agreement.  Late last year, NICVA interviewed its members on a wide range of topics that are now covered by the agreement. There was a consensus that the number of departments is currently too high, and 90% of respondents said there should be eight or fewer departments. 61% wanted to abolish the compulsory coalition, 71% an official opposition. As a result, progress has been made in this regard. After 11 weeks of talks in Stormont, the deal was reached with Northern Ireland`s political leaders, which offers a new approach to some of the toughest issues of northern Ireland`s past. It offers a new beginning and a much more hopeful future, but it will still need hard work to ensure that it keeps its promise.
It is clear that progress has been made on social assistance – an important sensitive point for Sinn Fein – and we must now wait to see what steps have been taken to remedy our `special circumstances`, given that, in addition to the tax exemptions already guaranteed for bedrooms, there is expected to be some postponement of the penalties for the disability allowance. Everyone will be able to speak in the meeting room or in the committees of the Assembly in Irish or Ulster-Scots, but this would be translated simultaneously so that those who do not speak these languages can understand what is being said. We are answering some of your questions about what will happen next: he has also proposed to obtain a pension for seriously injured victims in Northern Ireland, WAVE has long campaigned on this subject: “WAVE welcomes the fact that a pension proposal for severely disabled people is included in the Stormont agreement. So far, important work has been done in support of a pension for seriously injured WAVE, the NI Victims and Survivors Commission and external advisory services. The proposal to “continue to work” must therefore be seriously addressed in order to solve the problem, not to be removed by shelves, while the seriously injured continue to be denied what they need. Point 25 is interesting, a 12-month research project to establish a historical chronology of fact and a statistical analysis of the problems. People may be wondering if there are not many reports already on the problems, and what will be the additional understanding of those issues — a government-approved version of what happened? Social reform has also been the subject of wide-ranging differences between members of the executive (particularly Sinn Féin) and the UK government. The Ministry of Finance was determined that Northern Ireland would adopt social reform and fined the executive for failing to do so.
Within the executive, the parties were divided. While Sinn Féin had opposed the adoption of social reform, the Democratic Unionist Party had tried to do so, arguing that it was inevitable and that an omission from London would result in further fines. One of the priority objectives of the Stormont House agreement, particularly from the point of view of the British government, was to resolve the welfare dispute and to adopt reforms. What does the agreement say? With only 14 pages, r